Hausa Social Organization
From Hausa Superstitions and Customs: An Introduction to the Folk-Lore and the Folk by Arthur Tremearne, 1913.
From: 1911 C.E. To: 1913 C.E.
Location: West Africa
Note: This article has been excerpted from a larger work in the public domain and shared here due to its historical value. It may contain outdated ideas and language that do not reflect TOTA’s opinions and beliefs.
From Hausa Superstitions and Customs: An Introduction to the Folk-Lore and the Folk by Arthur Tremearne, 1913.
Organization
The Hausas are very good agriculturists, and, as a people, are more inclined for peace than for war, though individually they are very good fighters when properly led. They have been, and still are, the traders of West Africa, always extending their sphere of operations, and forming new colonies in every direction. The language is thus widely spread, and, being fairly easily learnt, and rich, it often displaces the local tongues to a great extent.
The people were very good organizers, their system of revenue collection being adopted by the Filani, and this, shorn of its abuses, is what is practically in force now under us.
The Hausas seem to care but little what strange people rule the country so long as they can trade in peace, and keep their land safely, and yet they are great believers in leadership. A district is under an important chief or Sa(r)riki, under whom will be lesser chiefs over areas, and a chief of each separate town. But this is not by any means all, for the chief will have his deputies and other officials, and each of these will have his complete set of parasites. Not one of these exalted persons will do more work than he can help, he simply states that God will provide for him (or cause some kind person to do so), and sits down to wait for something to turn up. Yet the Hausa can work when he likes, the intense agriculture in some parts shows this, and the traders have made a name everywhere in West Africa.
The town itself will be divided into quarters, corresponding more or less closely with the nationality of the dwellers in them, the Ungival Yorubaiva, Ungival Nufawa, &c., all of which have their respective head with its long neck. Every profession and trade, too, has its Sa(r)riki, the same word being used in every case, and even beggars and cripples have, a recognized chief, while in Kano, at any rate, the blind have "Leaders of the Blind." This is really not quite so absurd as it seems, for the people like to have disputes and other matters settled by their own particular heads. Thus in L.T.H., 40 the snakes which were quarrelling refused to separate for a man, but did so when asked by Miss Snake. In court, a person always pleads through the head of his house or village.
In some of the tales it will be noticed that Kings of Lies, Truth, Good, and Evil are mentioned, but a man's wisdom and credit are measured usually by the length of his purse. A rich man may tell any lie and be believed, while even the most obvious truths of a pauper may be scoffed at. "If the King says 'it is black.’ we exclaim 'very black.’ if he says ' white,' we say 'pure.''
A story in L.T.H. (50) is identical in effect with a passage in the Apocrypha (Ecclesiasticus xiii, 23) which runs, "When a rich man speaketh, every man holdeth his tongue, and, look, what he saith, they extol it to the clouds: but if the poor man speak, they say, What fellow is this? and if he stumble, they will help to overthrow him." Even a person who claims to have some special remedy will find it difficult to see his patient if dressed in rags (80).
Descent
The degrees of relationship are not well defined. A man will call a cousin or even a fellow-townsman my brother, or rather "son-of mother-of- me," while an uncle, a step-father, and even a protector is called father (45). To distinguish the real parent, a qualification is used after the word parent such as "he who begot me" (64), and a true child is called "my child, of my own flesh." Uncles and aunts have special words to denote them, for they are not always called fathers and mothers, the same words being used for the paternal as well as the maternal relatives, unless it is important to distinguish them, in which case they are called "younger brother of my father," &c.
Except when used in the 1st or 3rd persons the words uba (father) and uwa (mother) are seldom heard, as "your father" and "your mother" carry insinuations, and are therefore terms of abuse in most cases. The fact that the word for a brother is "son-of mother-of-me," and not "son-of father-of-me," may indicate that descent was once traced through women; for it would be much more important in that case to remember the relationship to the female than to the male parent.
Story 59 also (where the wives return to the homes of their parents to be delivered) points to a system of matrilinear descent, and the same may be said of Story 64 (if the explanation be correct), where the son-in-law lives in his wife's city, and inherits the chieftainship after her father's death. Certainly it seems to be so in some stories where the King gives the hero his daughter in marriage, and one-half of the city to rule over. But the latter is not usual, for the bride in the other tales is always brought to live in the husband's town, and this indicates father-right. The fact that in many districts the inhabitants of villages which are foreign colonies pay their taxes not to the local chiefs, but to those of the district from which they have immigrated, shows that the system was based upon a tribal and not a territorial bond, I.e., that it was patriarchy.
Tribal Marks
During 1908 and 1909 I measured over a hundred Hausas at Jemaan Daroro—at least they said that they were Hausas and the wearers of the markings given later probably represent the average of the people at present, except where the contrary is noted. Many others presented themselves for examination, but only those who could speak the language, and were able to state that both parents were Hausas and were "passed" by some of my men, were accepted, but even so, I dare say that the patterns of some of these will show their Hausa blood to be of very recent infusion.
At the same time, several tribes, although widely divergent in other respects, may have similar designs if these consist of a few lines only, and, in fact, even when the lines are numerous. Nothing seems to have been done in the way of systematizing the markings at any rate not in Nigeria and these notes were written (for the R.A.I. Journal originally) in the faint hope of initiating the process.
A knowledge of marks might be very useful in certain circumstances, for they often indicate a man's special qualifications as well as the tribe to which he belongs; thus a river-dweller, especially a Nupe or a Kakanda (long sloping cut on each cheek), should be able to paddle and swim, an inhabitant of a district farther north (e.g., Zaria) might know of donkey or even camel transport, a Cow-Filani (straight cut down forehead and nose) would understand the management of cattle, a man of Jemaa (various) possibly mat-making, and a native of Kano (several thin short sloping cuts on each cheek) perhaps leather or brass work. But sometimes a noted character will try to obliterate his marks; others add special ones as charms to bring good luck, as personal ornaments, or for the purpose of relieving or preventing pain, and it is just possible that cuts made at random at first may have developed into a stereotyped pattern when successful in such an object.
Others again, may be enslaved, and, if young enough, be given the markings of the master's tribe, and lastly, small-pox may play havoc with the designs. Absolute dependence cannot be placed upon them, for that purpose, therefore, but they are usually a sure guide to identification.
Tribal marks generally are known by the Hausas as zani; they are usually mere simple cuts, but the akanza has blue pigment, or sometimes charcoal rubbed in. Keskestu are small dots in parallel lines; kaffo are ranks of short perpendicular cuts representing horns; zubbe are groups of fine slanting lines on the cheek; other names are noted as they occur.
In addition to the cuts, the women paint lines on their faces, known as katambirri, at times of feasts, special visits, &c., but it is doubtful if there are any strictly defined designs. Sometimes lightish coloured spots were seen on the chest and back, called kasbi, which are said to appear just before puberty, and to be a sign of a lustful nature.
I noticed occasionally that the top of the head was flat, and was told that this was due to the carrying of loads in childhood tiny mites, hardly able to toddle, are often seen with pots of water. Sometimes the forehead (and even all round the head) was very much wrinkled from the same cause. The carriers told me that anyone who carried too heavy a load for any length of time would sicken and die, and that was the reason given by independent witnesses in two or three inquests which I had to hold. I have seen men said to be ill from this cause, and they seemed to be wasting away gradually, although they had plenty of money for food, without showing visible signs of any disease. The Government is taking steps to prevent overloading, and no man may be compelled to carry more than 60 lb. and that this is very moderate is shown by the fact that Hausa traders will sometimes take a couple of hundred-weight of their own wares.
Development
A man settles down in the forest, near to some stream or other permanent water-supply, and there he clears the ground and makes a farm. Soon he has saved enough to obtain a wife, and she will take the produce to market and give him more time for his work. Then he obtains another wife, and he thus has someone to help him in the fields, and as he increases the number of huts, the place becomes known as Giddan Mutum Daya (The House of One Man).
He soon gets other wives, concubines, and slaves, and his compound becomes a kauye or hamlet. Probably other men come to settle there, and as the original founder has at least four families growing up, the population increases by leaps and bounds. If the spot be near a trade route, and travellers can be induced to lodge there, other huts will be erected, and a market will be formed; if too far from the main road for this, parties of women will be sent to a spot on the road to sell fura and other light refreshments.
In this way, the hamlet develops into a town, perhaps into a city, and even a poor man may have become a powerful chief in twenty years' time (or even much less under specially favourable conditions), with his train of officials, his attendants, and his slaves, exactly like those of his native-town (63). One of the legends of Daura makes a girl the foundress of the country of that name.
Tremearne, Arthur J. N. Hausa Superstitions and Customs: An Introduction to the Folk-Lore and the Folk. John Bale, Sons & Danielsson, 1913.
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